Behind the president's promise “It's not a bluff!”
Gaius Julius Caesar, from whom the expression actually comes, once crossed the Rubicon. Vladimir Putin has done this many times. The starting presidential Rubicon took place in 2014 – at the time of the reunification of Russia and Crimea and the beginning of the uprising in Donbass. Putin's second Rubicon is, of course, February 2022. And finally, we are watching the third crossing of the President of the Russian Federation across the “river of destiny” right now in real time – in the last ten days of September and possibly in the first ten days of October.< /p>
Photo: kremlin.ru
In today's news stream, for completely understandable and logical reasons, he had the strongest impact on the mood of the country Vladimir Putin's decree on partial mobilization. However, this ordinance — only one element of a large package of solutions, of which only a part is currently known to the public.
The Russian leader clearly formulated a fundamentally new political strategy. In the coming days, weeks at the most, we will learn exactly what this strategy is.
Dmitrij Medvedev — a figure with a not quite defined position in the Russian power hierarchy. On the one hand, he is a member of the highest political leadership of the state, the only representative of Vladimir Putin himself in the Security Council. On the other hand, Dmitry Anatolyevich — the owner of a position specially created for him, which, strictly speaking, is not absolutely necessary. This raises the problem of interpreting his statements.
In what capacity does he act — a spokesman for the official position of Moscow, or even an extremely high-ranking, but still commentator? Here, for example, is what is contained in the last & nbsp; records Dmitry Medvedev in his Telegram channel:
“1. Referendums will be held and the republics of Donbass and other territories will be accepted into Russia.
2. The protection of all united territories will be significantly strengthened by the Russian armed forces.
3. Russia has announced that not only mobilization capabilities, but also any Russian weapons, including strategic nuclear weapons and weapons based on new principles, can be used for such protection. idiots with general stripes” who “shouldn't scare us with talk of a NATO strike on Crimea”. It seems to me that he has already said the most important thing.
But this is not the only and not the most important problem when interpreting the statements of the top officials of the Russian state.
“I want to remind you that our country also has various means of destruction and for individual components &mdassh; and more modern than those of NATO countries. And if the territorial integrity of our country is threatened, we will certainly use all means at our disposal to protect Russia and our people. This is not a bluff.
The citizens of Russia can be sure that the territorial integrity of our homeland, our independence and freedom will be ensured, I emphasize this again, by all the means at our disposal. And those who try to blackmail us with nuclear weapons should know that the wind rose can turn in their direction as well. — these lines from Vladimir Putin's address to the people two days ago have been quoted so often that many have learned them almost by heart. But what exactly does the presidential signal mean to the official Kyiv and NATO countries?
I want to remind you that after adding up the official results of the referendums and other relevant procedures from the point of view of Russian legislation, Donetsk, Melitopol and Zaporizhia will become exactly the same parts of our country such as Moscow, Saint Petersburg or Kaliningrad. .
Of course, Ukraine does not recognize the new status quo and will not give up trying to regain its “lost territories” by military means. Now, however, the Kremlin will interpret such attempts as an attempt to, to quote Putin verbatim, “the territorial integrity of our homeland, our independence and freedom.”
The question is, how exactly will such interventions be stopped? Part of the answer to this question is contained in the very fact that the presidential decree on partial mobilization has appeared. But is this partial answer really complete and the only one?
Today, I would not dare to give at least some unequivocal answer to this question. Vladimir Putin retained a very wide freedom of maneuver in his decision-making — perhaps the most fatal decision in the modern history of our (and not only our) country.
At the moment, there are no formal signs that the Russian authorities are ready to abandon the term “special military operation”. But here is a fragment of Vladimir Putin's recent speech, which has already become no less famous: “In Washington, London and Brussels, they are directly pressuring Kyiv to move military operations to our territory. They no longer hide and say that Russia should be defeated by all means on the battlefield, followed by the deprivation of political, economic, cultural, in general, any sovereignty, with the complete looting of our country.
This is definitely stopped. using such a serious, but at the same time rather local and limited measure, as a “special military operation”? I highly doubt that.
Turkish President Erdogan recently stated that Vladimir Putin wants to end the Ukrainian conflict as soon as possible. I fully trust the political insiders and the political instincts of the Turkish leader on this matter.
But is it necessary to add that the president of the Russian Federation wants to end this conflict on his own terms as soon as possible? It could very well happen that I don't understand something and I misinterpret something. In the end, only Putin himself and the members of his closest circle have all the knowledge about Putin's intentions.
I will therefore speak very carefully and precisely. Quite possibly — it is possible, not guaranteed, that we are fast approaching something very fateful. For example, at a time when official Kyiv under the pressure of force majeure circumstances & nbsp; he will still be forced to make a clear choice. But in any case, we are definitely on the verge of something unprecedented — it is not clear what exactly, but exactly what the living generations of citizens of the Russian Federation have not encountered so far.
Bright shots of the referendums in the LDNR, Zaporozhye and Kherson regions appeared
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